Chapter 10

The Commencement of the Lifeboat

Phillips kept sending. The key clicked. The transmitter crackled. Signals radiated into the black Atlantic. But on the boat deck, another drama had begun. The wireless called for help. The lifeboats had to carry it.

At approximately 12:25 a.m., First Officer William Murdoch gave the order. Uncover the boats. Swing them out. The crew moved to their stations along the starboard side. They loosened canvas covers, freed the gripes that held the boats to their chocks, swung the davits out over dark water. Boat No. 7, forward on the starboard side, would be first.

The men worked with the efficiency of sailors who had performed this drill before. That efficiency was part of the problem. They had performed it as a drill, not as an emergency. The Board of Trade required lifeboat drills. The White Star Line complied. But compliance was not competence. The drills were conducted in harbor, in daylight, with boats lowered into calm water and hoisted back up. No one had ever loaded a lifeboat at night, on a listing deck, with passengers who did not want to leave.

Murdoch stood at the davits. He was forty years old, a veteran of the Atlantic trade. He had served on the Olympic. He knew the Welin davits—their capacity, their operation. Each davit could handle three lifeboats. The ship’s designer had hoped this would mean more boats carried. But the line had decided otherwise. Titanic carried 16 wooden lifeboats and four collapsibles, enough for 1, 178 people. The ship carried more than 2, 200.

The math had been done. The math was not Murdoch’s to change. His job was to lower the boats he had.

The crew swung No. 7 out over the side. The boat hung in the air, suspended above black water. The Titanic’s lights blazed behind it. The ship still looked like a ship—bright, stable, solid. The idea that she might sink seemed absurd. Passengers on the boat deck could feel the planks beneath their feet, steady and warm. They could hear the band playing somewhere below, a ragtime tune drifting up through the ventilators. Why leave this? Why climb into a small wooden boat, suspended from ropes, to be lowered into a freezing ocean?

The hesitation was rational. The Titanic was unsinkable. That was what they had been told. That was what they believed. The ship’s builder had said it. The press had repeated it. The very name suggested something colossal, permanent, invulnerable. The idea that this floating city might disappear beneath the waves in a matter of hours defied common sense.

So when Murdoch called for passengers to board No. 7, few came forward.

The protocol was clear. Women and children first. The men stood back. But the women hesitated too. Some clutched their husbands’ arms. Some looked at the boat, then at the ship, then back at the boat. The crewmen assigned to No. 7 waited. They had their orders. Load the boat. Lower away. But they could not force passengers to board.

Murdoch made a decision. Better to lower the boat half-full than to wait. Better to get one away, to establish the procedure, to show that it could be done. No. 7 went down with perhaps 28 people aboard. Its designed capacity was 65.

The boat dropped through the darkness. The ropes creaked. Passengers already aboard looked up at the bright lights of the ship, growing smaller as they descended. The oars lay in the bottom of the boat. The crewmen who had been assigned to No. 7 took their places at the thwarts. They would row. They would wait. They did not know what else to do.

The pattern had been established in those first minutes. It would not change. The same calculation that had produced No. 7 would produce No. 5, No. 6, No. 3, and all the others. The boats would go down underloaded. The passengers would hesitate. The crew would lower anyway.

On the bridge, Captain Smith watched. He had given the order to abandon ship. He had told the officers to get the boats away. But he did not interfere with the loading. He trusted his officers. He trusted the procedure. He had been a captain for decades. He had never faced a situation like this. Neither had anyone else.

Smith’s presence was a question. He stood at the bridge, sometimes walking to the boat deck, sometimes returning to the wheelhouse. He gave orders, but the orders were general. Get the boats away. Women and children first. He did not stand at a davit and direct loading. He did not count passengers into the boats. He left that to his officers.

The officers, in turn, were making decisions in the dark. They did not know how much time they had. They did not know the full extent of the damage. They knew the ship had struck an iceberg. They knew water was entering the forward compartments. They did not know, with certainty, that the ship would sink.

Murdoch did not know. Second Officer Charles Lightoller did not know. Captain Smith did not know. Naval architect Thomas Andrews had told Smith that the ship would sink, but that assessment was still propagating through the ship’s command structure. The officers were operating on incomplete information. They were also operating on training that had never contemplated this scenario.

The Board of Trade regulations required lifeboats. They did not require lifeboat drills that simulated an actual emergency. The Protocol Lag was about to become fatal. The gap between the written rules and the operational reality would be measured in hundreds of lives.

No. 5 went down the starboard side. Murdoch supervised. Again, the passengers hesitated. Again, the boat went away half-full. A few more people than No. 7, perhaps, but still far below capacity. The pattern held.

On the port side, Lightoller was having the same experience. No. 6 was his responsibility. He called for women and children. Some came. Some refused. One woman clung to her husband. Lightoller told her she had to go. She refused again. He did not force her. The boat went down with empty seats.

Lightoller was a different officer than Murdoch. Where Murdoch was pragmatic, Lightoller was strict. He interpreted “women and children first” as “women and children only.” He would not let men board, even when there was room. He would not fill the boats to capacity if it meant bending the rule. The rule was the rule. The boats went down half-empty.

The American inquiry would later ask Lightoller about this. He would explain his reasoning. He would say that he feared the boats would buckle if fully loaded. He would say that he was following orders. He would say that he did not know the boats had been tested with full loads. He was a professional officer. He was doing what he thought was right.

The result was the same. Empty seats. Empty seats that would never be filled.

The passengers who did board the boats had their own reasons. Some were persuaded by officers or crew. Some saw the water rising at the bow and understood. Some were simply in the right place at the right time. One passenger, Margaret Brown, would later be celebrated for her courage in helping others. But in those first minutes, she was simply a woman who got into a boat when it was offered.

The boats went down one by one. No. 7, No. 5, No. 6, No. 3. The numbers did not follow a strict sequence. The officers loaded boats as they could, moving from one to another as the davits became available. The process was orderly. The deck was not chaotic. Panic had not yet set in.

The orderliness masked the urgency. The passengers saw calm and assumed safety. The crew saw cooperation and assumed time. The ship was sinking, but the boat deck looked like a drill.

Below decks, the situation was different. The third-class passengers, many of them immigrants seeking a new life in America, were largely left to find their own way. Barriers separated third class from the rest of the ship. The crew’s attention was focused on the boat deck, where the first- and second-class passengers had gathered. The third-class passengers climbed up, or did not.

The “women and children first” protocol was generally followed. But “first” did not mean “all.” It meant that women and children had priority for the limited seats available. The men, and many of the third-class passengers of both sexes, were left aboard.

The math was brutal. The boats could hold 1, 178. The ship carried more than 2, 200. Even if every boat had been filled to capacity, more than a thousand people would have been left behind. The boats were not filled to capacity. The margin grew.

Murdoch continued on the starboard side. No. 1, the emergency cutter, went down with perhaps twelve people. Its capacity was forty. The boat was small, designed for quick deployment in emergencies. It was not designed to carry a full complement of passengers. But twelve was still far below its limit.

The reasons for underloading varied. Sometimes passengers refused to board. Sometimes the officers did not press. Sometimes the crew, unfamiliar with the boats, feared that the davits would fail. The Welin davits were new, strong, capable. But they had never been tested in a real emergency. The crew could not be sure.

The Confidence Cascade had begun in the design office, continued through the Board of Trade, and now reached the boat deck. The ship was unsinkable. The boats were a formality. The regulations were adequate. The crew was trained. Each assumption reinforced the others. Each was wrong.

The passengers who hesitated were not irrational. They were responding to the information they had. The ship was bright, warm, stable. The boats were dark, cold, precarious. The ocean below was freezing. The fall from the boat deck to the water was seventy feet. The ropes that lowered the boats were new, but who could say they would hold?

The officers who underloaded the boats were not negligent. They were responding to the training they had received. They had practiced lowering boats in harbor. They had never practiced loading a full complement of passengers in the dark, on a ship that might sink. They did not know how much time they had. They did not know the boats could hold the weight.

The result was a cascade of small decisions, each rational in its own terms, each contributing to a catastrophe. The boats went down half-full. The passengers stayed aboard. The ship sank beneath them.

At approximately 1:00 a.m., the first signs of panic appeared. A group of male passengers attempted to rush port-side lifeboat No. 14 as it was being lowered with 40 people aboard. Fifth Officer Lowe, in charge of the boat, fired his pistol into the air. The rush stopped. The boat went down.

Lowe’s action was effective. It was also a sign of what was coming. The orderliness of the early launches was giving way to something more urgent. The passengers were beginning to understand. The ship was not safe. The boats were the only chance.

But by then, the pattern was set. The early boats had gone down half-full. The later boats would be fuller, but there were fewer of them. The math was catching up.

The band played on. The musicians, led by Wallace Hartley, had assembled on the boat deck. They played ragtime, waltzes, hymns. The music was meant to calm. It may have contributed to the sense that the situation was under control. The passengers who heard the music and saw the bright lights could not know that the ship was already doomed.

The musicians would not survive. They played until the end. Later accounts would claim that they played “Nearer, My God, to Thee” as the ship sank. The claim is dubious, but it entered the folklore early. It captured something true: the musicians stayed at their posts. They did what they were paid to do. They provided the soundtrack to a disaster.

On the bridge, the wireless continued to call. Phillips was still at the key. Bride was still assisting. They had reached the Carpathia, fifty-eight miles away. The Carpathia was coming, but she would take four hours to arrive. They had reached other ships too. The Olympic, the Baltic, the Frankfurt. But the Olympic was too far. The Baltic was too far. The Frankfurt was closer but did not understand the signals. The wireless was working. The rescue was not.

The lifeboats and the wireless were parallel operations. Phillips called for help. Murdoch and Lightoller lowered boats. Neither knew the full picture. Phillips did not know how many boats had been launched. Murdoch did not know which ships were responding. The left hand did not know what the right hand was doing.

This was not a failure of communication. It was a failure of coordination. The ship had no central authority managing the evacuation. The captain gave general orders. The officers executed them. The wireless operators sent signals. The band played. Each group did its job. No one integrated the whole.

The Board of Trade had no regulations for this. The regulations covered lifeboats, life jackets, distress signals. They did not cover evacuation procedures, passenger management, emergency coordination. The regulations assumed that the crew would know what to do. The crew assumed that the ship would not sink. The assumptions compounded.

By 1:30 a.m., most of the boats had been launched. The remaining boats were the collapsibles, stored on the roof of the officers’ quarters. They had to be lowered to the deck, then deployed. The process was slower, more difficult. The ship’s list was becoming noticeable. The davits were harder to operate.

The collapsibles were the last chance. They were canvas boats, with wooden bottoms. They were not as sturdy as the wooden lifeboats, but they floated. They could carry people. They had to be deployed.

Murdoch was working on collapsible A. Lightoller was working on collapsible B. The crew struggled to get them down from the roof. The ship was listing to port. The davits did not align. The boats had to be manhandled into position.

The passengers who had not yet left were gathering near the collapsibles. The panic that Lowe had interrupted was spreading. The officers held the line. The crew loaded the boats. The boats went down.

Collapsible B never made it to the davits. The ship lurched. The boat slid off the roof and landed upside down on the deck. Lightoller and a group of men tried to right it. They could not. The boat floated away, inverted. Later, it would serve as a life raft for those who climbed onto its hull. But as a lifeboat, it was useless.

Collapsible A made it to the davits. Murdoch loaded it. Among those who boarded was Bruce Ismay, the chairman of the White Star Line. Ismay had helped passengers throughout the night. He had assisted with the loading of boats. He had urged passengers to board. When collapsible A was ready to lower, there was room. Ismay got in.

The decision would haunt him. The American and British inquiries would question his presence in a lifeboat while women and children remained aboard. Ismay would defend himself. He said there were no other women in the vicinity. He said the boat was not full. He said he simply got in when the opportunity arose.

The defense was technically accurate. The boat was not full. There were no other women nearby. But Ismay was the chairman of the line. He was the highest-ranking official aboard. His presence in a lifeboat while his ship sank was a symbol, whether he intended it or not.

Murdoch did not survive. He was last seen near collapsible A. Accounts differ. Some said he shot himself. Some said he was swept away. The exact manner of his death is unknown. What is known is that he launched more boats than any other officer. He saved more people than any other officer. He also let men board when Lightoller would not. His pragmatism cost him nothing in lives.

Lightoller survived. He swam to collapsible B, the overturned boat. He balanced on its hull through the night. He lived to testify at both inquiries. He defended the officers. He said they had done their best. He blamed the regulations, not the men. The Board of Trade required too few boats. The Board of Trade required no real drills. The officers were products of a system that had failed.

The system had failed. But the officers had also failed. They had not filled the boats. They had not pressed the passengers to board. They had not understood the urgency. They had assumed that the ship would survive long enough to offload everyone. They had assumed that the boats were a precaution, not a necessity.

The assumptions were understandable. The Titanic was the largest ship ever built. She was rated unsinkable. She had watertight compartments. She could float with four compartments flooded. Five were flooded. The margin was one compartment. One decision. One mistake.

The iceberg had torn open five compartments. The ship was filling. The pumps could not keep up. The water rose through the bulkheads, spilling from one compartment to the next. The ship settled by the head. The stern rose. The propellers cleared the water. The lights stayed on. The band played. The boats went down.

At 2:00 a.m., the last boat, collapsible D, was lowered. Lightoller supervised. The boat held about twenty people. There was room for more. The passengers were not pushing to board. They were standing back, watching the ship sink.

The confidence cascade had reversed. The passengers now understood that the ship was sinking. But they also understood that the boats were gone. The ones who had not boarded were left behind. The ones who had boarded were rowing away. The gap between the two groups was widening.

The boats rowed away from the ship. The passengers aboard looked back. They saw the lights, the shape, the size of the vessel they had left. They saw the people remaining on deck. They saw the ship settling lower in the water.

The crew in the boats did not know what to do. They had been trained to lower boats, not to manage survivors. They had been told to row away from the ship, to avoid suction. They rowed. They waited. They watched.

The night was cold. The water was colder. The passengers in the boats huddled under blankets. Some had life jackets. Some did not. The boats were not stocked with supplies. The crew had not thought to bring food, water, or lamps. The boats were empty shells, designed to hold people, not to sustain them.

The design of the boats reflected the design of the regulations. The Board of Trade required lifeboats. It did not require that the boats be equipped for survival. The regulations were based on past disasters. The past disasters had not involved ships of this size, sailing this route, carrying this many people. The regulations were obsolete before the Titanic left Southampton.

The crew’s unfamiliarity with the boats was part of the same problem. The boats were new. The davits were new. The ship was new. The crew had been aboard for less than two weeks. They had practiced a drill once, in harbor, with the boats half-loaded. They had never trained for an actual emergency.

The result was a crew that could lower boats but could not fill them. A crew that could follow orders but could not improvise. A crew that could perform a drill but could not manage a disaster.

The passengers were no better equipped. They had not been told the ship was sinking. They had not been told to go to the boat deck. They had not been told to bring warm clothing. They had been told that the ship was unsinkable. They had been told that the lifeboats were a precaution. They had been told that everything was under control.

The information cascade had started before the ship left port. The advertisements, the press coverage, the word of mouth. The Titanic was the largest, the most luxurious, the safest ship ever built. The iceberg had contradicted the narrative. The passengers were slow to accept the contradiction. By the time they accepted it, the boats were gone.

The last boat went down at approximately 2:05 a.m. The ship had perhaps fifteen minutes left. The bow was deep in the water. The stern was rising. The lights still burned. The band still played. The wireless still called.

Phillips was still at the key. Bride was still assisting. They had been relieved, but they had not left. They continued to send signals, even though no one was coming. The Carpathia was still hours away. The other ships were too far. The signals were going out, but the rescue was not coming in.

The wireless and the lifeboats were parallel failures. The wireless reached ships that could not help. The lifeboats left seats empty that could have saved lives. Both failures were rooted in the same assumptions: that the ship would not sink, that the regulations were adequate, that the crew was prepared.

The assumptions were wrong. The consequences were being measured in lives.

The first lifeboat, No. 7, had set the pattern. Half-full, lowered into the dark, rowing away from a ship that seemed safe. The pattern had held through the night. Boat after boat, the same calculation. The same hesitation. The same result.

The precedent was set in the first minutes. It would not be broken. The boats would go down underloaded. The passengers would stay aboard. The ship would sink. The rescue would come too late.

The Carpathia would arrive at 4:10 a.m. She would pick up the survivors. She would count them: 712 people, out of more than 2, 200. The lifeboats had capacity for 1, 178. The difference—more than 400 seats—was the measure of the failure.

The failure began with No. 7. It began with Murdoch’s decision to lower the boat half-full. It began with the passengers’ decision to stay aboard. It began with the crew’s inability to persuade, to compel, to fill the boats. It began with the training that had not prepared them. It began with the regulations that had not required preparation.

The first lifeboat was away. Half-full. A precedent now set that would shape every launch to follow.